To Columbia on the Tynemouth:
The Emigration of Single Women
And Girls in 1862
JACKIE LAY

By 1850 England was experiencing a surplus of single, unemployed women. At the
same time, her colonies, British Columbia and Australia in particular, were very much in
need of domestic labour and wives. In response, a variety of disparate associations
arose whose sole purpose was the exportation of these women to the colonies. Some
societies helped to send female emigrants to the colonies to secure employment while
other societies helped to send young female emigrants to provide wives for the men in
the colonies.
In 1858, British Columbia had gold rush fever. Six thousand gold-mad miners,
mostly single, flocked to British Columbia in the hope of becoming rich. From 1858 to
1863 relatively little family life existed in the colony because of the dearth of single white
women.1 During that time the marriage of a Native Indian woman to a white man was
frowned upon by the Church but nevertheless, these marriages occurred.2
Since there were so many gold-mad miners in the colony, the Church of England felt
that it was important to establish churches to help keep the English immigrants involved
in a Christian lifestyle. One of London’s philanthropists, Baroness Angela BurdettCoutts, had donated £25,000 to the church which in turn was able to send one bishop
and two archdeacons to Victoria to carry out the civilizing mission of the church.
Baroness Burdett-Coutts, a prominent figure in Anglican church society, helped
establish church life in British Columbia and was also a strong influence in the decision
to make George Hills the Bishop of Columbia. (British Columbia was referred to as
Columbia then.) “Baroness Burdett-Coutts…had long held bishop Hills in her esteem
and confidence, and it was understood that she was the moving cause of his far-off post
of duty.”3
Bishop Hills arrived on Vancouver Island at the height of the gold rush when hopeful
miners disembarked at Victoria to stock up on the supplies they would need to have for
their adventures in the gold mines of the mainland. Since the miners only used Victoria
as a depot they were scarcely affected by the holy influences of the good Bishop.
Therefore, the services of the church spread to the mainland, where Reverend Brown
well knew the problems for the church in gold mining settlements.
Even through the church was available it was not being used. The conclusion was
that without family life the church could not flourish. Such were sentiments of Reverend
Brown:
Churches may and must be build, a faithful
witness must be borne for holiness and virtue,
but where there is no wedded life churchgoing
must be difficult because morality is almost
impossible.4

In Her Own Right
To solve his problem, Brown wrote a letter to the far-off Bishop of Oxford explaining
the need for wives. As he tells the tale of the single men, he also requests the
emigration of women:
Dozens of men have told me they would gladly
marry if they could. I was speaking one evening
on the subject of the dearth of females and
mentioned my intention of writing to beg that a
plan of emigration may be set on foot;
whereupon one member of the company
immediately exclaimed, ‘Then Sir, I pre-empt a
wife’, and another and another, all round the
circle of those listening to me earnestly
exclaimed the same. Fancy the idea of preempting a wife! Yet I assure you this touches
the root of the greatest blessing which can now
be conferred upon this colony from home.
Think of the 600,000 more women at home than
there are men…5
On February 27, 1862 a regular meeting of the Columbia Mission Society took place
in a London tavern, where prominent people gathered, including the Baroness BurdettCoutts.6 The people involved in this meeting were members of the Columbia Mission
Society which concerned itself with a the life of the Church of England in Columbia.
During this meeting, Reverend Brown’s letter was discussed and a solution was agreed
upon, which led to the founding of an Anglican female emigration society called the
Columbian Emigration Society.
In the speeches which took place discussing Reverend Brown’s letter, two situations
especially seemed to concern the Society. In the absence of marriageable white
women, the men had established relationships with native women despite the
disapproval of the Church which objected to the liaisons for a variety of reasons. In
some cases they were concerned because there were no church marriages; in other
instances they objected to mixed-blood offspring as well as illegitimate children. An
excerpt from a speech presented at this meeting explained
There must be the dwelling-place of every deep
degrading moral abomination unless you
provide for an equality of sexes. You have to
deal with a degraded people…who, under
heathenism, have but a low squaw estimate of
women, and yet you do to the native race a
most deadly and irreparable wrong. In young
colonies the more you degrade the moral
senses, the more deadly injury do you inflect.7
Another Society concern was that London’s workhouses and orphan asylums were
becoming overpopulated with girls from twelve to fifteen years of age, who were
orphans or whose parents could not afford to support them. The Society was worried
about the future of these girls for whom employment was virtually impossible and for
whom the possibility of prostitution was very real. Without marriage as an alternative to

The Tynemouth
the situation these girls were destitute. Not only was the Church fearful of the possibility
of prostitution, but also it deplored the adolescents’ pre-marital sexual experiences. The
Society was concerned that leaving older girls in these institutions would encourage the
younger ones to follow similar paths. A speech at the London meeting discusses the
problem:
Consider the number of young girls there are in the various
workhouses of this country. Look at the misery of their present life
and the misery of their future. The reports of all the inspectors tell
us that young girls in workhouses, on verging into womanhood and
becoming acquainted with others of their own sex who are older and
others of the sex which ahs driven them there, but too frequently
become demoralized, to return as the wretched inmates of the
asylum of their youth again, to hand over, as others did to them, the
taint of evil….8
The speaker presumed that “they will naturally, by taking up of society, become
wives and mothers in a Christian Land.”9
After the news of the new emigration society spread, many rumours must have
reached the church about the worthiness of its intentions because an article appeared in
the London Times to explain its goals. The letter tried to explain the criteria the society
would use in choosing females for emigration. The speech explained that because the
society did not know exactly what Columbia offered, they could not ensure selfsupporting women situations that would fulfill their expectations. The writer said, “We
could not guarantee suitable homes on reaching the colony to women who should
depend upon the use of their brains alone for support.”10 Furthermore, the writer makes
it clear that prospective emigrants would not include currently employed, educated and
trained women. The writer said, “Nor does it seem desirable to withdraw from their
sphere of valuable occupation in this country those women who have received sufficient
education to place them in situations as teachers in families and schools at home.”11
Instead he declared the society’s intention to send out to Columbia only the young and
the desperate who he implied would accept without complaint whatever was offered:
Those who go out under the protection of this
Society will agree to take service on reaching
the colony in such situations as the Governor
and Bishop and those acting with their authority
may consider best suited to their several cases,
and may have open and ready to give them
occupation in a safe dwelling on their landing in
Columbia.12
What this letter to the London Times does not make explicit is the hope expressed
by Reverend Brown that these British girls would marry gold miners, thus establishing
not only a family-centered existence, but also a nucleus of Anglican and English society.
Thus, the Columbia Emigration Society was formed to send destitute girls to the colony.
The other emigration society at this time was the London Female Middle-Class
Emigration Society, formed in May, 1862,13 and operated by women such as Emily
Faithful, Maria S. Rye, Louisa Twining, Jane Lewin and Bessie Parkes. The Society, a
feminist organization, was formed for the emigration of “educated women”, a very

In Her Own Right
different philosophy from that of her eventual partner, the Columbia Emigration Society.
One of the supporters of the former society wrote to The Times that:
The mistakes of the day are the notions that
education is to raise everyone in life, instead of
being the great aid of life in every position of it;
and that women are sure to marry, and
therefore, they need not be fitted for the
struggles of the single life.14
The female Middle-Class Emigration Society well knew the worries of the single life for
women in an economy where working opportunities were limited and employment
difficult. Since work existed in the colonies, the Society’s main intent was to promote
and assist the emigration of single, trained women giving them an opportunity to be selfsupporting. This association must have had specific appeal for women who were
conventional enough to require the proprieties of protection and supervision en route,
but adventuresome enough to gamble the cost of their fare on a chance at bettering
themselves in the thriving colony. The charges of the Female Middle-Class Emigration
Society were women, not juveniles in the care of orphanages or workhouses. While the
women needed their future employment to support themselves, they were neither
destitute not futureless.
The intent of the London Female Middle-Class Emigration Society was not to send
wives to save the Christian souls of the Columbia gold miners. In a letter of the London
Times, Emily Faithful referred to the workers of her society was seeking “teachers in
public schools, schoolmistresses and private governesses”.15 Furthermore, she
outlined the working plans of the Society, chief of which were that it would act as an
international employment agency for middle-class women. She requested that
committees in the colonies “forward instructions as to the kind and number of educated
women required, the situations vacant, or likely soon to become vacant”.16 In the same
letter three methods of financing the voyage were carefully described. “The home
committee will endeavour to produce assisted passages…and…it reserves the right of
determining how far it will assist candidates with money….17” Women “with means of
their own” were welcomed. Those women who borrowed money from the Society for
their passage were expected to repay the loan. In contrast, the Columbia Emigration
Society entirely paid for the fares of its charges.
The Columbia Emigration Society, in cooperation with the London Female MiddleClass Emigration Society, sent two groups of women to British Columbia. A group
sailed on April 17, 1862 to Victoria, but little more than that is known. The main body of
women followed on the S.S. Tynemouth, and it is popularly called the first brideship.
Twenty women were sent by the Female Middle-Class Emigration Society and forty by
the Columbia Emigration Society.18 Maria Rye wrote in the London Times, “a party of
20 women left this office for British Columbia on the 7th of this month in the Tynemouth.
Forty more women were at the same time sent out in the same ship and under the
same matron by the committee of the Columbia Emigration Society.”19
Originally, according to The Times, the Tynemouth was supposed to leave London
on May 24th and Dartmouth on the 28th, but with delays, it left with its 300 plus
passengers on June 9, 1862.

The Tynemouth
Fredrick Whymper, writer and artist and a passenger himself, wrote about the
passenger aboard the Tynemouth:
Our most noticeable living freight was, however,
an ‘invoice of sixty young ladies’ destined for
the colonial and matrimonial market. They had
been sent out by a home society under the
watchful care of a clergyman and matron; and
they must have past the dreariest three months
of their existence on board, for they were
isolated from the rest of the passengers and
could only look on at the fun and amusements
in which everyone else could take a part.20
Whatever the intentions of the Emigration societies, Mr. Whymper clearly believed the
women were sailing towards weddings.
It took 99 days for the brideship Tynemouth to sail from Dartmouth, England to
Victoria, British Columbia. The ship covered 17,000 miles at an average of 200 miles a
day at a speed of 15 knots. The actual time spent at sea was 84 days since two stops
made on the voyage, one at the Falkland Islands for repairs, restocking and refueling,
and the other at San Francisco, took thirteen days and two days, respectively.
The two people in charge of all the women were Reverend William Richard Scott,
who was responsible for the transporting of the women, and the matron, Mrs. James
Robb, who was responsible for teaching the ladies all the arts of womanhood and
keeping an eye on the women to protect them from the “lascivious attentions of the
crew”.21
With Mrs. Robb were her husband and three children, William, Jane and Jessie.
With Reverend Scott came his wife, Helen and two children, B. Scott and Clemear
Scott. The Scotts were on their way to the Sandwich Islands to do missionary work.
Three classes of passengers were on the ship, the majority being third-class which
included the sixty women who lived amidships in an area dimly lit and poorly ventilated.
This was a double burden because the women had to remain in this same area
throughout the voyage and conditions only grew worse as the ship sailed on. Despite
two mutinies an several storms, only one person died during the voyage: Elizabeth
Buchanan. She died just before the Falkland Islands where she was buried.
Upon arriving at the Falkland Islands in August, 1862, the ship docked at Stanley
Harbour to take on more coal and fresh water. When it was possible the passengers
went ashore to shoot some game, but all they added to their larder were sea birds and
fowl. However, the passengers in the care of the emigration societies were not allowed
to go ashore. There is no stated reason for this but one would guess that Reverend
Scott and Mrs. Robb felt that they could better protect their charges from possible harm
if they remained on board.
Just before the California coast, the ship was forced to put up sail because the coal
was starting to run low. In order to reach San Francisco, everything burnable was
burned. As Fredrick Whymper wrote, “…the day before our arrival in San Francisco it
was seriously contemplated to strip the second and third cabins of their berths and
furniture”.22 The ship reached San Francisco on September 9, 1862.

In Her Own Right

Letter to the Editor: London Times, April 7, 1862.

The Tynemouth

(above) Advertisement: London times, May 9, 1862
(below) Passenger List of the Tynemouth: The Colonist, September 19, 1862

In Her Own Right

The Tynemouth

Advertisement:
Victoria
Press, October 3, 1862

Advertisement: Victoria Press
September 24, 1862
(below) Bronze Plaque, erected in memory of Minnie Gillan of the Brideship Tynemouth,
by her descendants in British Columbia.

In Her Own Right

Mary MacDonald Leech

Baroness Angela Burdett-Coutts

The Tynemouth
During the two days in San Francisco, again the women from the emigration
societies were not allowed off the ship. Rumours appeared in the Columbia Colonist
about the possibility of an agent being sent down to San Francisco to prevent the
seducing of the cargo of women by the Californians. Whether or not an agent existed is
hard to tell, but the Colonist seemed to think so. After seven more days of sailing, the
Tynemouth finally landed at their destination in Esquimalt Harbour on September 17,
1862 at 8:00 p.m. with 272 passengers.
Once docked, the ladies remained on the ship for two more days. The Colonist,
writing about the women, referred to them as the “60 select bundles of crinoline”.23 The
news of the arrival of the Tynemouth and her special cargo produced great excitement
among the Victorians. In fact, a clothing store advertised the arrival of the ladies,
stating:
The girls have arrived! Now is your change to
get a fine suit of clothes to make a respectable
appearance.24
All shops and businesses in the town closed for the day to welcome the ship.25
Crowds of settlers and miners tried to board the shop to see the women. In fact, a boat
loaded with well-dressed men rowed out to the Tynemouth hoping to seek permission to
board the ship to talk to the women. The captain, sensing that their intentions ere not
honourable, set the men away.
A number of articles appeared in the newspapers about the women. One of the few
men allowed aboard was Amor de Cosmos, the editor of the Colonist. The Colonist
described the women as “young ladies being between the ages of fourteen and some
uncertain figure”.26 The British Columbian noted that the women were between twelve
and fifteen years old.27 Obviously, the majority of these passengers seem now to be
little more than children. The fact that they were considered adult illustrates how much
times have changed and how few opportunities in education and employment existed
for young girls.
The Press noted that “50 of the women on the Tynemouth had their fare paid for,
and 10 paid for their own fare.”28 It is easy to presume that those ten who paid their
own fare were travelling under the aegis of the London Female Middle-Class Emigration
Society. It would be interesting, but virtually impossible, to know their ages and the
source of their funds.
On September 19 the women were brought from Esquimalt Harbour to Victoria
Harbour. In Charles Hayward’s diary of 1862, he wrote, “Excitement in town owning to
girls’ arrival.”29 The Press, writing an article about the Tynemouth, noted:
Landed – The 60 female immigrants who
arrived from England on the Tynemouth, were
this afternoon brought from Esquimalt on the
H.M. gunboat Forward which had been detailed
for the purpose and landed at James Bay
before the admiring gaze of some 300
residents. They will occupy marine barracks
until situations are got for them.30
In front of crowds of men the women were transferred to smaller boats and then
were rowed ashore to find buckets of soap and water placed on the dock for them to do

In Her Own Right
their washing. The crowd was so curious that policemen and marine officers were kept
busy protecting the women. After washing their clothes the women were lined up two
by two to be marched through the glaring crowd to the marine barracks which became
their home until they began their work as domestics or governesses.
Both the Columbia Emigration Society and the London Female Emigration Society
expected a committee of respectable citizens to greet and provide for the female
immigrants. While the members of the committee are easily known, its functions are
more difficult to deduce. The committee members, male and female, were prominent
members of the Church of England congregations and of Victoria society. The receiving
committee included Captain Verney, Mr. Graham, J.C. Davie, Gilbert Sproat and Robert
Burnaby, in addition to the ubiquitous Reverend Cridge, Dr. W.F. Tolmie and
Archdeacon Wright.31 A Ladies Committee of Christ Church members was composed
of Mrs. Douglas, Mrs. Nurries Margarets, Mrs. Alston, Mrs. Cridge, Mrs. Arthur Hillowes,
Mrs. Rhodes, Mrs. Trutch and Mrs. R. Woods.32
The committee provided a number of services. Under direction from Captain
Verney, John Marshall, 2nd Officer to the H.M.S. Grappler, provided meals for the
women while they were aboard the Tynemouth in Esquimalt Harbour.33 The committee
had also arranged for their shelter in the James Bay barracks. In addition to these
direct services, the committee advertised in the local newspaper for employment for the
immigrants. Immediately after their arrival, an advertisement in the paper requested
people needing servants to apply to Mr. Graham of the Receiving Committee. Three
weeks later, an advertisement by the committee specifically described the educational
skills of a few women who are still unemployed.
It is interesting to note that the committee charged future employers a ten dollar
fee.34 This may have been to cover expenses or to guarantee the respectability of the
family. The servants themselves could expect to earn between fifteen and thirty dollars
a month including board. If Reverend Matthew Macfie was right there were plenty of
“respectable” families. He said,
Respectable females, neither afraid nor
ashamed to work as domestic servants are
greatly in demand. Strong and active young
women, qualified to serve as efficient cooks and
housemaids would have no difficulty in
obtaining from 4£ to 5£ per month and board.
So much is the want of this class there that if
500 girls of good character and industrious
habits could be sent out in detachments of fifty
in each vessel and intervals of a month, they
would be absorbed almost immediately on their
arrival.35
On Sunday, September 21st, some of the women went to church and the following
day ten were sent to New Westminster.36 Reverend Scott, who had accompanied the
immigrants on the Tynemouth, spoke from the pulpit in Christ church. He urged them to
remember their religious duties and under all circumstances to conduct themselves so
as to be a credit to their mothers, from whom many were separated forever. He
exhorted them to rely on a Kind Providence for aid and comfort when beset by sin and

The Tynemouth
temptation.37 It was an emotional occasion for everyone since the paper reported that
“the poor girls wept freely and there was scarcely a dry eye in the congregation.”38
Charles Hayward wrote in his diary that Reverend Scott hoped the girls would soon be
comfortable as English wives and mothers.39 Obviously, no matter what the temporary
employment was, these people were expected to marry soon. Of the women who went
to New Westminster, it would be interesting to know if any went on to the gold fields to
supply the ‘pre-empted’ wives for the congregation of Reverend Brown.
Before the main group of ten went to New Westminster on September 22, two girls
from the Tynemouth were reported as having been sent there on September 19 aboard
the Enterprise to Mrs. Mary Moody whose husband, Colonel Richard Moody, was in
command of the Royal Engineers.40 Since Mrs. Moody’s cousin, Louisa Twining, was a
conspicuous member of the London Female Middle-Class Emigration Society, it is no
surprise that Mrs. Moody, mother of five children, had made an early application for
domestic help. While Mrs. Moody had requested a young girl so that she could be
assured of a servant for some time, she obviously found the choice of the committee
inappropriate. She returned the child to the Committee because she “was too young,
too small and incapable of sewing.”41 She had to be replaced by an older woman.42
What became of the new citizens of the colony? We know little more about them
than whom they married. Minnie Gillan went to New Westminster where she married
John Cox and had thirteen children; Emma Quinn married James Ellan, a royal
Engineer of New Westminster. Jane Saunders was employed by Mrs. W.P. Sayward
Wignall and later worked for Mrs. John Chambers. She married Samuel Nesbitt, a
Victoria baker.43 Mary MacDonald who married Peter Leech, who had discovered the
Leechtown gold, later became the organist of Christ Church.44 The Colonist recorded
many of the marriages of the other Tynemouth women:
Jane Eliza Victoria Ogilvie & Francois Chappron
Mary Cooper & Francois Fabre
Augusta Jane Morris & William Bentley45
Emily Anne Morris (Mrs. Joseph Farr) remarried D.C. McGillivray46
Emily B. Abington & John Tragur
Mary L.L. Chase & R.H. Mack
Julia Louisa Hurst & Thomas Robert Mitchell
Sarah Baylis & Jonathan Hay Brown
Mary E. Evans & Edward Johnson
Isabel Julia Curtis & Thomas George Askew47
Mrs. Francis Curtis & Jules Boucherat48
Many a tale existed about these young women. One told of a man who, hearing of
the docking of the Tynemouth, walked all the way from Sooke to get a bride.
Supposedly, when the women were lined up, he reached out and grabbed a young girl
to whom he was married three days later. While there is no record of the marriage in
the newspaper, the story was verified by Mrs. Robb, the matron aboard the ship.49
Historical records often include the Townsend sisters as members of the cargo of
women. However, both Charlotte and Louisa have adamantly denied that they were
part of the sixty women who came to Victoria under the protection of the emigration
societies. Nevertheless, their fates may well resemble those of the other trained
women. They came intending to be teachers, but instead were governesses.50

In Her Own Right
Charlotte worked for the Pidwells, the Pringles and the Rhodes before marrying Mr.
Mallandaine, while Louisa married Mr. Alfred Townsend {sic}.51 Charlotte could recall
years later that
From the moment of landing I was disappointed.
So was my sister…. I saw nothing beautiful
about the new country…. I use to cry myself to
sleep every night.52
Unfortunately, the women of Tynemouth, many of who were probably sisters if the
passenger list can be relied upon, have left us no conspicuous written records of their
sentiments or experiences. Of course, many of the destitute child-women would have
had little schooling so naturally they would not have kept written records of their lives.
Until further research among scattered family collections reveals more about the
Tynemouth women, we have only male commentaries on the success and failure of this
emigration experiment. Fredrick Whymper said:
Every benevolent effort deserves respect; but,
from a personal observation I cannot honestly
recommend such a mode of supplying the
demands of a colony. Half of them married soon
after arrival, or went into service, but a larger
proportion quickly went to the bad and from
appearances, had been there before.
The
influence of but a few such on the more
respectable girls could not have been otherwise
than detrimental.53
Reverend Macfie was critical of the women who remained single:
There was too little care exercised in the
selection of them by those directing the
movement and some, in consequence, turned
out badly. But all who conducted themselves
properly have had offers of marriage, and most
of them have long since become participants of
conjugal felicity.54
The Robert Lowe was another ship which brought 36 girls from England to Victoria in
January, 1863 for the same purposes as the Tynemouth. Just before the arrival of this
ship an article appeared in the Colonist:
We hope the committee in charge will make
better arrangements for their landing than that
in the case of the Tynemouth which exerted so
much dissatisfaction amongst the young people
who came by her. There is not the slightest
necessity for any parade (as was done with the
Tynemouth girls) about so simple a matter as
the landing of a few passengers, and we almost
cannot conceive of anything more heartless or
ill-conceived than to have poor young strangers,
we don’t care of what sex, subjected to the rude

The Tynemouth
gaze of a motley crowd of roughs, who instead
of running about idle, should be engaged with
the shovel and axe earning an honest living.55
These brideships were only two of many experiments in sending young women from
England to Canada. As the century moved on, increasing numbers of organizations
sponsored larger and larger projects. By the turn of the century and even until the
twenties, women's organizations, like the YWCA, regularly included committees for
welcoming friendless girls.
The emigration scheme was apparently successful from the point of view of some of
the colonial residents. After all, they received their wives and much needed domestic
help. Other residents had a chance to begin families and develop their roots in the new
colony. It is doubtful if the exporting of these emigrants received much pressure in the
unemployment situation in England. London continued to have a persistent female
unemployment problem and an overpopulation of young girls in workhouses and
orphanages. We have none of the women’s personal opinions on whether it was worth
it. Their stories would make the most interesting reading and together could provide
fascinating insights into the status of women in gold rush society.

Footnotes

1

F.W. Howay, British Columbia, From Earliest Times to the Present, Vol. II (Vancouver: S.J. Clarke
Publishing company, 1914), p. 113
2
Ibid.
3
Frank A. Peake, The Anglican Church in British Columbia (Vancouver: Mitchell press, 1959), p. 27.
4
“Columbia Emigration Society”, British Columbian (New Westminster), June 21, 1862, p. 2.
5
Peake, op. cit., p. 40.
6
Vancouver School of Theology, Anglican Archives, Columbia Mission, 1860 – 1870. City Meeting, 1862,
p. 37.
7
“Columbia Emigration Society”, op. cit.
8
Ibid.
9
Ibid.
10
“Columbia Emigration Society”, The Times (London), April 7, 1862, p. 6
11
Ibid.
12
Ibid.
13
James A. Hammerton. Emigrant Gentlewomen (London: Croom Helm Ltd., 1979), Bibliography.
14
Letter on the Subject of Female Emigration, The Times (London), April 28, 1862, p. 5.
15
“Emigration of Educated Women”, The Times (London), December 4, 1861.
16
Ibid.
17
Ibid.
18
Helen and G.P.V. Akrigg, British Columbia Chronicle, 1847 – 1871 (Vancouver: Discovery Press,
1977), p. 256.
19
“Emigration of Women”, The Times (London). January 21, 1862, p. 12.
20
Fredrick Whymper, Travel and Adventure in the Territory of Alaska (London: W. Clawes and Sons,
1868), p. 22.
21
Akrigg, op. cit.

In Her Own Right

22

Whymper, op. cit., p. 23.
“The Tynemouth at San Francisco”, The Colonist, September 17, 1862, p. 3.
24
File on the Tynemouth, article by Edgar Fawcett on the Tynemouth. (PABC).
25
Harry Gregson, A History of Victoria, 1842 – 1970 (Victoria: Victoria Observer Publishing Col, Ltd.,
1970), p. 63.
26
“Wouldn’t Let Them on Board”, The Colonist, September 19, 1862, p. 3.
27
“The Tynemouth and her Cargo”, British Columbian (New Westminster), September 24, 1862, p. 3.
28
“Arrival of the Tynemouth”, The Press (Victoria), September 18, 1862, p. 3.
29
Diary, Charles Hayward, September 21, 1862. (PABC)
30
“Landed”, The Press (Victoria), September 29, 1862., p. 3.
31
“Brides Broke Wife Famine in 1862”, The Colonist, September 16, 1862, p. 2.
32
Letter, Reverend E. Cridge to Sir James Douglas, July 14, 1863. (PABC)
33
“Immigration Committee”, The Press (Victoria), September 23, 1862. p. 3.
34
“Arrival of the Tynemouth”, The Press (Victoria), September 24, 1862, p. 3.
35
Matthew Macfie, Vancouver Island and British Columbia (London: Longman, Green, Roberts and
Green, 1865), pp. 496 – 497.
36
“To Be Forwarded”, The Press (Victoria), September 21, 1862, p. 3.
37
“The Tynemouth at San Francisco”, The Colonist, September 16, 1862, p. 3.
38
Ibid.
39
Diary, Charles Hayward, September 21, 1862. (PABC)
40
“To Be Forwarded”, The Press (Victoria), September 21, 1862, p. 3.
41
Jacqueline Gresko, “Two Women on the frontier” (Saskatoon: unpublished, 1979), p. 22.
42
Ibid.
43
“First Brides to Come Here”, Vancouver Province, Saturday Magazine, September 16, 1944, p. 3.
44
Harry Gregson, A History of Victoria, 1842 – 1970 (Victoria: The Victoria Observer Publishing Co. Ltd.,
1970), p. 59.
45
Nancy de Bertrand Lugrin, The Pioneer Women of Vancouver Island (Victoria: The Women’s Canadian
Club of Victoria, 1928), p. 160.
46
Ibid.
47
Elizabeth Forbes, Wild Roses at Their Feet (Vancouver: Evergreen Press, 1971), p. 111.
48
Ibid. Mrs. Francis Curtis was widowed while living in Britain.
49
Lugrin, op. cit. p. 156.
50
Ibid. p. 149.
51
Ibid. pp. 150 – 152.
52
Ibid, p. 150.
53
Whymper, op. cit. p. 23.
54
Macfie, op. cit. p. 497.
55
File on Tynemouth, The Colonist, “Second Brideship”, James K. Nesbitt. (PABC)
23

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