Helena Gutteridge: Votes for
Women and Trade Unions
SUSAN WADE

This paper will not provide a definitive study of either the woman’s labour movement or
the woman’s suffrage movement. Instead, it will relate the two, through the ideas and
work of one woman who wad dedicated to both - Helena Rose Gutteridge.
Her early life reflects the independence of mind and action important, and
perhaps necessary, for involvement with such unpopular causes as suffrage and the
unionization of women.1 Born in London, England, in 1879 or 1880, she left home to
break of all contact with her family at the age of thirteen.2 Her parents did not believe
that girls merited higher education, so Helena worked to support herself and to pay for
her studies at the Holy Trinity Church School and the Regent Street Polytechnic
School.3 She also attended the Royal Sanitary Institute,4 and earned South Kensington
Department of Education certificates for teaching, hygiene, and sanitary science.5
She joined the dramatic struggle for women’s suffrage in Britain:
…it was as a militant suffragette that I worked. I took
the stump at Hyde Park corner, took part in hundreds
of parades, got thrown out of numerous meetings,
waved banners in the House of Commons, anything
at all to attract attention to our cause.6
For being part of a delegation to the House of Commons, she was once arrested.
However, she was not imprisoned because there was not enough room in the jail for all
of the 260 offending suffragettes. Gutteridge also took part in the magnificent parade of
250,000 women marching from the Thames Embankment to Albert Hall for the suffrage
cause.7
She was a member of the Labour Party,8 and worked with them until she
emigrated to Vancouver, B.C. in 1911, sailing to Canada with a number of other British
suffragettes who were planning to stay for four years.9 Gutteridge, as it turned out,
stayed much longer.
Although she was to be of great assistance to women in their flight for labour
rights and suffrage, Gutteridge cannot be credited with initiating either cause in British
Columbia, as both were already established. Since the 1800’s, middle and upper class
women had been organizing and campaigning for equal political rights. Women
suffragists such as Maria Pollard (Mrs. Gordon Grant), Cecilia Spofford and Helen
Gregory MacGill fought for the provincial franchise for many years, and proposed many
legislative reforms along the way.10
She became actively involved in the B.C. suffrage movement almost immediately
after her arrival, joining at least one organization devoted to obtaining votes for women,
the Pioneer Political Equality League,11 which was the Vancouver branch of the
Provincial Political Equality League.
Another organization she joined was the
Vancouver Local Council of Women,12 which did not dedicate itself solely to suffrage,
but did actively support the movement.

Gutteridge had not been a member of the Political Equality League long when
she decided that it was too conservative, and that it did not involve working class
women as much as it should have.13 As a result, within weeks of first arriving in
Vancouver, she formed the British Columbia Woman’s Suffrage League14 “for the
purpose of obtaining votes for women on the same terms it is granted to men” and “to
deal with all matters connected with the interests of women, particularly those things
that affect women out in the labour market.”15
Gutteridge believed that, on the basis of human equality, women deserved the
vote as much as men, and for the same reasons:
Every reason that men advanced for having the vote
applies to women. We need the vote for specific
legislation but outside of that we deserve it for the
very reasons that earned it for men… Men don’t have
the vote because of their ability or intellectual
attainments. They vote because they are British
subjects over twenty-one years of age.16
This attitude was reflected in the B.C.W.S.L. which demanded suffrage because
of its belief in women’s innate equality with men and “that what concerns all should have
the consent of all.”17 However, these arguments in favour of human justice were not the
only ones used by the B.C.W.S.L.
Gutteridge felt that
the backwardness of the suffrage movement in B.C.
is not due… to the desire of men to dominate their
womenfolk, but due to the lack of interest displayed
by the women themselves.18
Fully understanding the principle of expediency, Gutteridge decided to “attract the
attention of working class women through specific pragmatic appeals clearly relevant to
their lives”, and also to downplay the socialist attitude of the League.19
Gutteridge also formed the United Suffrage Societies of Vancouver in 1913. This
coalition of the B.C.W.S.L., the Mount Pleasant Woman’s Suffrage League, the Pioneer
Political Equality League, the South Vancouver P.E.L., and the Equal Franchise
Association restricted its activities to sending delegations for suffrage to the provincial
government.20
In the spring of 1916, Conservative Premier Bowser called a referendum on the
question of woman suffrage. This coincided with the 1916 provincial election, and only
the male population would have a say on whether or not women would be granted the
franchise. To ensure that the referendum would be successful, Vancouver suffrage
societies formed the Vancouver City Central Woman’s Suffrage Referendum Campaign
Committee, of which Helena Gutteridge was the secretary.21 The Committee also
organized an anti-Conservative campaign as a safeguard against losing the
referendum. The Conservative Party had never endorsed suffrage, but the Liberals had
promised it since 1912.
Many women opposed the suffrage question being put to a referendum, since
working to ensure its success would result in women neglecting their war work. Thus,
they thought the referendum was unpatriotic. Gutteridge did not oppose the referendum
because of patriotism (she was a pacifist and opposed conscription during the First

World War), but because she thought women deserved the franchise simply on the
basis of human equality:
The easiest way out, if the government insists on this
referendum and will not pass a straight bill at this
session, is to see that the referendum passes, and
appeal to the voters to lay aside all party feeling and
vote for the enfranchisement of women on its merits
as a matter of human justice.22
Both the referendum and the anti-Conservative campaign were successful. The male
population voted 43,619 in favour of woman suffrage, 18,604 opposed; the new Liberal
government took office under the leadership of Premier Harlan Brewster. Women were
finally granted the vote on April 5, 1917.
Helena Gutteridge believed that “the need of political power for working women is
greater than that of any other class [because] only when she is able to influence
industrial legislation will she cease to be exploited and forced into starvation and
shame.”23
She saw suffrage and the organization of women in labour as being
supplementary and necessary to each other, if the
economic freedom of women is to be obtained. The
economic value of the ballot is one of the strongest
arguments in favour of votes for women.24
Gutteridge felt that if women became a collective voting force, their power could
result in the enactment of legislation which would improve the lot of working class
women, securing
significant changes in industrial legislation governing
working conditions and pay rates, thereby eliminating
sweated labour, the undervaluing of women’s work
and poverty-induced prostitution.25
Gutteridge obviously understood the connection between the suffrage movement
and the labour movement, yet she went beyond both, knowing that women workers
needed a political voice in the Legislative Assembly:
The vote is automatically and directly a protection
against unjust laws and unfair wages. Indirectly it is a
protection against unequal social conditions, since the
politically negligible are also the socially negligible.26
Woman’s suffrage was a means to an end; forming a political party to speak for labour
was an end in itself.
Once suffrage had been granted, Gutteridge downplayed its possibilities, seeing
it only as an asset to those politicians most able to attract women’s votes. She
concentrated all her efforts on political awareness and education through labour
organization in order to teach voters “the why and the wherefore of politicians soliciting
their vote at election time.”27
Gutteridge had been involved in the labour movement long before women had
won suffrage legislation:
Almost from the day of her arrival here Miss
Gutteridge had contact with labour affairs through a

suffrage office they opened in the old Labour Temple.
Then after taking part in an investigation of women’s
wages, J.H. McVety [a member of the Vancouver
Trades and Labour Council] asked her to join an
organization….28
Gutteridge did much more than join one organization. As she said, “I began my
work in the trade union movement by helping to organize the women’s laundry workers,
the garment workers, and others.”29 The writer of this paper found first mention of
Gutteridge in the Vancouver Trades and Labour Council minutes in July, 1913, when
she wrote to the Council recommending the appointment of “a woman delegate to
appear before the Minister of Labour in company with delegates from other women’s
societies.”30 But, in aiding the organization of garment workers, she apparently was
involved in the VTLC’s work earlier than 1913, as the garment workers were associated
with the VTLC by 1912, when a Miss McRae was the union’s delegate to the Council.
Gutteridge may also have been a garment worker’s delegate at that time, but it is not
stated clearly in the meeting’s minutes until September, 1913.31 She was a worker in
the garment industry, and a member of the Tailor’s Union (garment workers).32
At a 1913 VTLC meeting,
The report of the Business Agent….recommended
that a committee consisting of Delegates Miss Coote,
Miss Evans and Miss Gutteridge and the Business
Agent be appointed to take up the question of
attempting to organize the laundry workers.33
Their attempts were successful; in February, 1914, the laundry workers were officially
affiliated with the VTLC, Gutteridge being one of the union’s delegates.34
She became increasingly prominent as a member of the VTLC. When elected
Secretary-Treasurer in 1914, she became the first woman to sit on the Council’s
executive.35 While continuing to work as an organizer, she later held positions as
Recording Secretary, Statistician, Business Agent, Vice Chairman and Trustee.36 She
was sent as a delegate to provincial and national labour conventions, the first being a
British Columbia Federation of Labour meeting held in January, 1914.37 Though the
date could not be found for this paper, she was the first Canadian woman delegate to
an international labour congress.38 Gutteridge was also the Labour Gazette’s (Federal
Department of Labour paper) B.C. correspondent on women’s labour issues, from 1913
to 1921,39 and during this period she studied the cost of living for the federal
government’s labour department.40
Gutteridge sometimes became discouraged with the slow progress of the
women’s labour movement: “Women’s lack of interest in her economic future as a
wage earner is shown by her lack of interest in trade unions. There is but one exclusive
woman’s union in Vancouver.”41 She was referring to the Waitresses Union in April,
1913, but by August of that year, another female organization, the Home and Domestic
Employees Union, was in operation and affiliated with the VTLC.42
Unionization of both men and women was important (and complementary) to
Gutteridge, but she was always more concerned with the plight of women than of men:
To work long hours means to increase the ranks of
the unemployed, and to increase the ranks of the

unemployed means to lower wages. Short hours are
far more essential to women than they are to men…
The injurious physical and mental effects of such
work are plainly visible… and the rapid aging of the
working women has its injurious effects on the next
generation.
Women are needed in the labour
movement - all will benefit by such organization.43
When a woman’s labour issue divided the male unionists from the few female
unionists, Gutteridge spoke out loudly in support of women. For example, the First
World War changed some of the policies of the labour movement, notably woman’s
suffrage and women’s unionization. As men went overseas, women took the jobs the
men had once occupied. Male unionists felt threatened by the increasing number of
women in the labour force because women were cheap labour and would act to lower
the pay scales of all (male) workers. In addition to opposing female unionization, male
unionists also opposed suffrage. They were afraid that the capitalists would give
women the vote so that the women would use their political voice to keep their jobs,
low-paying as they were.

Helena Gutteridge with Mayor G.G. Miller and
Aldermen H.L. Corey and Fred Crone

Helena Gutteridge with Vancovuer City Council.
After a few unsuccessful attempts at preventing women from entering the labour
force, the male unionists realized (as Gutteridge had long ago) that both male and
female workers benefitted from the organization of women. As Gutteridge said,
low wages, long hours and miserable working
conditions became a threat to everything unions had
won. I brought these questions before the unions and
the men endorsed our demands. I saw to it that they
did!44
But labour’s position on suffrage remained negative from 1915 until women were given
the franchise. But earlier, in 1912, the B.C. Federation of Labour had endorsed
suffrage.45 By 1913, their paper, The B.C. Federationist, published a weekly suffrage
column, edited by Helena Gutteridge. Before the publication of this column had begun,
Susan Lane Clark had acted as the paper’s suffrage correspondent. But with the war
and consequent threat to men’s wages, The Federationist stopped publishing the
column in 1915. The paper did not even mention the Brewster bill that gave women the
vote.46 Gutteridge, of course, opposed the opinion of the majority of her labour
colleagues, and continued to actively support suffrage until it was won.
The war years also brought the economic depression of 1914 - 1915.
Gutteridge, the Local Council of Women, and representatives from other Vancouver
women’s societies, formed the Women’s Employment League in October, 1914 to aid
destitute women with meal tickets, groceries, a job-registration service, and emergency
funds. In its first month, the League was aiding 284 registered women;47 By November,
registration had grown to 804,48 and the League had become more ambitious:

On November 1 a large house of 33 rooms was
opened by the Women’s Employment League as a
factory and home where unemployed women could
be put to work and live. The plan of the League to
start the manufacture of toys and dolls, etc., was
placed before the city council, together with a request
for a grant of $2000, the money to be used to pay the
wages of as many women as possible, each working
three days a week, and to receive $3.50 per week
until such time as the goods manufactured by their
labour could be sold at Christmas…49
The request for $2000 was granted, and an additional $1500 was donated by
individuals and organizations.50
The Women’s Employment League received some support, mainly in the form of
encouragement, from the VTLC, apparently for no other reason that its anti-Oriental
policy. (There was a major anti-Oriental and Asiatic campaign by labour organizations
at this time.) Recorded in the VTLC minute books is the following:
The president moved that a vote of thanks be
tendered to the Women’s Employment League for
their cooperation and valued assistance regarding
labour’s protest against Asiatics being employed in
hotels and restaurants of their city. Unanimously
carried.51
Considerable support came from the Vancouver city council, probably because
Gutteridge made known “the grave danger to morality where many women were out of
employment”, meaning, of course, prostitution.52
Gutteridge had been trying to eliminate prostitution since before women got the
vote; she saw suffrage, and resultant minimum wage legislation as a way to do so:
If women will concentrate their energies on getting the
vote they will then be able to… lessen the supply of
women to the vice trust [prostitution], by passing a
minimum wage act that all women may get a living
wage.53
Minimum wage had been a concern of Gutteridge, at least since 1913, but she
did not concentrate on it until the suffrage was granted. Then, in the winter of 1917, she
“sparked the cause of minimum wage legislation for women among the women’s
societies.54 Representatives from these societies attended meetings of the Vancouver
Local Council of Women,55 and in that same year, the Minimum Wage League was
founded; Helen Gutteridge acted as chairman.56
Gutteridge outlined the steps taken by the League:
I took the question to the women’s organizations for
action.
The University Women’s Club drew up
proposed government regulation for minimum wages
for women, later adding regulations for working hours,
and campaigned for these demands. The Minimum

Wage League missed no opportunity to press the
demands on the government…57
She led a number of delegations to the provincial government in Victoria, and finally,58
in 1918 Attorney-General Farris drew up a Minimum Wage for Women Bill, which was
piloted through the House by Mary Ellen Smith (B.C.’s first woman MLA).59
Gutteridge worked for various other legislative reforms pertaining to women and
labour. She was, for example, an active advocate of the Mother’s Pension cause,60
which was initiated by the University Women’s Club, for the purpose of providing
destitute mothers with enough financial aid to say home and care for their children. The
University Women’s Club gained support from other women’s societies, and the
Mother’s Pension Act was passed in 1920.61
She also supported workers’ compensation:
Another thing I worked very hard for was Workmen’s
Compensation… when we finally did succeed in 1918 in
establishing the principle that injury or death on the job must
be compensated by industry, it was a model piece of
legislation for North America.62
Gutteridge virtually ceased her involvement in labour and legislative reform from
1921 until 1932, during which time she was a Fraser Valley poultry farmer. Sometime
during these years she married, but divorced a few years later.63
After moving back to Vancouver, she became increasingly active in politics. She
had been secretary of the Federated Labour Party at its formation in 1918;64 she was
active in the Socialist Party of Canada (forerunner of the Co-operative Commonwealth
Federation),65 until the CCF was formed in 1933. She held prominent positions on the
CCF’s executive, including chairman of its Economic Planning Commission.66
Sponsored by the CCF, she ran for city council twice before being elected in
1937, when she became Vancouver’s first alderwoman.67 As soon as she was elected,
Gutteridge became the council’s representative on the board of the Alexandra
Orphanage and the Vancouver Exhibition Board, and Chairman of the Vancouver Town
Planning and Parks Commission.68 She concentrated much of he aldermanic work in
this latter area:
Time and again I raised in council the need for cityassisted, low-cost housing schemes. Now the council
is finally getting around to it, but at the time my
proposals were just brushed aside.69
When Gutteridge said this in 1957, just three years before her death, she was still a
member of the Town Planning Commission.70
In 1939, the Royal family visited Vancouver, this being, of course, at the end of
the Great Depression. Gutteridge called the visit “an unnecessary circus”, objecting to
the substantial civic expense when many were unemployed or on what she referred to
as “starvation wages”.71 This attitude was considered disloyal, and was blamed for her
defeat in the 1940 election.
Gutteridge worked in a cannery for two or three seasons,72 before running for a
seat in the provincial House of Commons as a CCF Point Grey candidate in 1941.73
She was defeated, and became the welfare officer of the Slocan City Japanese
interment camp.74

Returning to Vancouver at the end of the Second World War (1945), Gutteridge
remained active and involved until she died in October, 1960.75 In 1957, she spent
Monday nights at the meetings of the Provincial Council of Women’s School for
Citizenship.76 This was an educational association similar to the New Era League, of
which Gutteridge had been secretary in 1937.77
Since its Vancouver branch was formed in 1917, Gutteridge had become a
member of the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom. The League’s
Canadian headquarters was originally housed in the Vancouver Women’s Building, was
officially recognized by the United Nations, and had consultative status on some U.N.
agencies.78 Gutteridge was Chairman of the League at the time of her death.79
While it would be simple to praise Gutteridge for her involvement in suffrage,
labour, politics and community affairs, it is even easier to let her congratulate herself,
adding only that this paper shows she certainly practiced what she preached:
I always try to follow the advice I give to other women:
Take an interest in public affairs. Keep yourself
informed and express your opinions. Above all, be
active. No matter how busy they may be with their
families and homes, women are part of the larger
community. They owe it to themselves to develop
their abilities and to work for a better, peaceful world.
There’s still a lot to be done!80

Footnotes
1

British Columbia Federationist, October 10, 1913, p. 5
Mrs. Hilda Kristiansen, interview, July 8, 1980. Mrs. Kristiansen met Helena Gutteridge through the
CCF in 1934. Gutteridge rented part of Kristiansen’s house after she retired as alderman in 1939, and
continued to live there until she died.
3
Civic Federation of Vancouver, Yearbook of Vancouver, British Columbia (Vancouver: Civic Federation
of Vancouver, 1938), p. 10.
4
Linda Louse Hale, “The British Columbia Woman Suffrage Movement, 1890 - 1917”, unpublished M.A.
thesis, U.B.C., 1977, p. 148.
5
Province, April 24, 1937, magazine section, p. 8.
6
Vancouver News Herald, March 31, 1937, p. 8.
7
Ibid.
8
Dorothy G. Steeves, The Compassionate Rebel: Ernest Winch and the Growth of Socialism in Western
Canada (Vancouver, 1960), p. 34.
9
News Herald, March 31, 1937, p. 8
10
Susan Wade, “Preliminary Chronology of the Women’s Movement and Social Reform, 1880 - 1980, in
British Columbia” (student paper, Camosun College, August, 1979).
11
Hale, op. cit., p. 65.
12
Ibid., p. 149.
13
Ibid., p. 65.
14
Province, October 3, 1960, p. 11.
15
Hale, op. cit., p. 66.
16
Province, April 7, 1916, p. 7.
17
B.C. Federationist, October 10, 1913, p. 5.
18
Catherine L. Cleverdon, The Woman Suffrage Movement in Canada (Toronto, 1950), p. 90.
2

19

Hale, op. cit., p. 68.
Ibid., fn. 92, p. 93.
21
Hale, op. cit., pp. 148 - 149.
22
Province, May 16, 1916, p. 5.
23
B.C. Federationist, October 3, 1913, p. 5.
24
Ibid., October 17, 1913, p. 5.
25
Ibid., October 3, 1913, p. 5.
26
Ibid., October 10, 1913, p. 5.
27
Marie L. Campbell, “Women and Trade Unions in B.C., 1900 - 1920: The Social Organization of Sex
Discrimination” (paper prepared for the Vancouver Women’s Research Centre, June 30, 1978), p. 22.
28
News Herald, March 31, 1937, p. 8
29
Pacific Tribune, March 8, 1957, p. 11.
30
Vancouver Trades and Labour Council, Minutes of Regular Meetings, July 3, 1913.
31
Ibid., September 18, 1913.
32
Kristiansen interview.
33
VTLC minutes, December 18, 1913.
34
Ibid., February 5, 1914, and April 2, 1914.
35
Ibid., February 5, 1914.
36
Hale, op. cit. p. 149.
37
VTLC minutes, December 18, 1913, January 8, 15, and February 5, 1914.
38
Steeves, op. cit., p. 32.
39
Yearbook of Vancouver, 1939, p. 9.
40
Province, April 24, 1937, magazine section, p. 8.
41
Labour Gazette, April 1913, pp. 1079 - 1080.
42
VTLC minutes, August 21, 1913.
43
Sun, December 12, 1914, p. 8.
44
Pacific Tribune, March 8, 1957, p. 11
45
Cleverdon, op. cit., p. 90.
46
Ibid., p. 97.
47
Labour Gazette, November 1914, pp. 576 - 577.
48
Ibid., December 1914, pp. 681 - 682.
49
Ibid.
50
Ibid.
51
VTLC minutes, February 18,1915.
52
Ibid., September 17, 1915.
53
B.C. Federationist, October 17, 1913, p. 5.
54
Elsie Gregory MacGill, My Mother, the Judge: A Biography of Judge Helen Gregory MacGill (Toronto:
1955), p. 158.
55
Pacific Tribune, march 8, 1957, p. 11.
56
Hale, op. cit., p. 149.
57
Pacific Tribune, March 8, 1957, p. 11
58
Steeves, op. cit., p. 37.
59
MacGill, op. cit., pp. 158 - 159.
60
Hale, opt. cit., p. 149.
61
Helen Gregory MacGill, “The University women’s Club” (unpublished manuscript) MacGill Papers, City
Archives of Vancouver.
62
Pacific Tribune, March 8, 1957, p. 11. In 1918, the Liberals extended the original terms of reference
set up by the earlier Conservative legislation.
63
Kristiansen interview and Helena Gutteridge File, Mss. 285, City Archives of Vancouver.
64
Paul Phillips, No Power Greater: A Century of Labour in British Columbia, (Vancouver, 1967), p. 71.
65
Labour History Association, “Helen Gutteridge, 1880 - 1960”, Labour History, vol. 1, no. r (Vancouver:
B.C. Federation of Labour) Fall, 1978, p. 37.
66
Province, April 24, 1937, magazine section, p. 8.
67
News Herald, March 31, 1937, p. 8.
68
Ibid.
20

69

Pacific Tribune, March 8, 1957, p. 11.
Ibid.
71
Province, October 3, 1960, p. 11.
72
Kristiansen interview.
73
Sun, October, 18, 1941, p. 14.
74
Kristiansen interview.
75
Province, October 3, 1960, p. 11.
76
Kristiansen interview.
77
Hale, op. cit., p. 149.
78
Pacific Tribune, March 8, 1957, p. 11, and Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom,
letterhead.
79
Hale, op. cit., p. 149.
80
Pacific Tribune, March 8, 1957, p. 12.
70

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