The Brightest Women of Our Land:
Vancouver Clubwomen 1910-1928
GILLIAN WEISS

Who is it greets you with a smile
And makes you feel life is worthwhile
You quite admire her breezy style
Of help and inspiration
The Club woman.
Who puts her shoulder to the wheel
And makes you feel her presence real
You know her by her high ideal
The Club woman.
Who gives the others of her store
Her wisdom, strength and time galore
And seeks herself for greater lore
The Club woman.
All honour to this noble band
The brightest women of our land
Whose motto is a helping hand
The Club woman.I

omen's clubs of various sizes and strengths and with a
multitude of interests and goals had, by the early decades of the twentieth
century, become an accepted and effective medium for maternal feminist
activism. The term "maternal feminism," coined by researchers, describes a·
philosophy which included the promotion of a wide range of reform goals and
a loosely connected set of beliefs regarding women's role in society. 2 Maternal
feminist clubwomen were at pains to show the world that natural motherly
understanding and abilities were essential to the reform and succour of the
Barbara K. Latham and Roberta J. Pazdro, Eds., Not Just Pin Money
Victoria:. Camosun College, l 984

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Vancouver Clubwomen

basic institution within society, the family. By stepping out of their traditional
sphere of the home into a wider public role, these women believed that they
would be able to improve and strengthen society as a whole, both through and
for the family.
Previous studies of clubwomen and their organizations have typified the
. former as married, middle-class and middle-aged. This image has been built,
in large part, from studies of the leaders of organizations that had a national
membership, such as the National Council of Women of Canada (NCWC)
and the Women's Christian Temperance Union (WCTU) or from studies of
broadly based movements, like suffrage, which resulted in the formation of supporting groups across the continent. 3 Women involved in the highest
levels of clublife in organizations of such a scale and with such a high public
profile certainly form a valid topic of study; their characteristics reveal a great
deal about the movements they represented. They indeed were most usually
responsible for the formulation and propagation of the ideology of their
organizations. 4 However, they were not necessarily representative of the
many thousands of women who belonged to and supported the multitude of
maternal feminist organizations which flourished across the country in the
first three decades of the twentieth century. The majority of these women
were, of course, rank and file members who belonged, not only to the large
national associations, but also to smaller local groups.
An accurate picture of these women can only be reconstructed by
looking directly at them, rather than at only their leaders. While it is
important, in the historical study of Canadian women, to work towards the
construction of a national picture, it must also be remembered that Canada
was, and is, a geographically vast nation with a multitude of regional and
local differences. For both these reasons, there is a need and a place in the
study of Canadian women's history for the more narrowly focused and
detailed case study. Such a study sheds a somewhat different light on the
characteristics of early twentieth century clubwomen.
Vancouver women in the early years of this century were concerned with
the same maternal feminist goals as were their sisters across Canada. So they
sought to improve and strengthen society by stepping into a wider and more
public role. Individually and collectively, they desired a variety of reforms.
Many of them believed that the best way to achieve their goals was by gaining
and exercising the powers of citizenship. The winning of suffrage was an
important part of this concept but it was not the only factor involved. For
these women, citizenship involved an active commitment to winning and
using the vote to alter legislation concerning themselves and t.heir children for
the improvement of all society.
Between 1910 and 1928, five Vancouver women's organizations, in
particular, promoted these ideals of female citizenship. Although the
citizenship focus was not necessarily the primary reason for their existence
nor their only concern, it was a major concern for all five groups both in terms
of its perceived importance by members and the amount of time spent on its
promotion. The Local Council of Women (LCW), as the Vancouver
representative of the NCWC, encompassed a wide spectrum of women's
groups. The University Women's Club (UWC) drew its membership

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from only university-educated women. The Vancouver Women's Building
Society (WBC) was primarily concerned with the erection of a building which
would serve both as a home for many women's clubs and as a physical
manifestation of women's new public role. The New Era League (NEL)
formed in October 1916 immediately following the winning of the provincial
franchise, used its name to reflect the optimism that its members felt
regarding their new ability to extend their influence as citizens. Non-partisan
and non-sectarian, the League aimed to encourage members to take a general
interest .in public affairs. It specifically promoted and supported legislation
directed towards the greater protection of women and children, such as
mothers' pensions and the minimum wage for women. The Women's Forum
(WF), begun in 1912, hoped to organize and unite the women ratepayers of
Vancouver "with the aim of dealing effectively with those public questions
that affect them both as women and as citizens" 5 at the municipal level. This
always remained its primary focus but it soon became involved with the other
four clubs in pursuing similar goals at the provincial level. 6
In a study of the membership of these clubs, 1534 women who were
members of one or more of the clubs during the period 1910-1928 have been
identified by name. The names were obtained from a wide variety of sources
including club records, press accounts, government reports and
correspondence which dealt with club activities. The list, although it is
extensive, does not pretend to be complete. The UWC archives contain
membership records for the entire period and probably include well over
ninety percent of the members during these years. 7 The LCW papers
consistently recorded executive committee members throughout the period as
well as individual members. 8 A large proportion of delegates from affiliated
societies were also recorded on a regular basis, but no effort was made to trace
women who were simply members of affiliated groups. All shareholders in the
WBC are recorded in annual reports submitted to the Registrar of
Companies. 9 The names of a small number of women who appear to have
been WBC members without having been shareholders, were found in social
and club notes in the daily press. Membership in the NEL and WF was much
more difficult to ascertain. No records of these clubs remain, and so their
names were culled from press reports, social notes, records of other clubs and
correspondence with government bodies. In the case of these last two clubs,
the number of executive and committee members identified was almost as
great as the number of rank and file members discovered. Both the NEL and
WF were considerably smaller than the LCW, UWC and WBC and the
proportion of members involved in executive and committee work appears to
have been greater. It may be, therefore, that only a small number of members
remains unidentified.
·
One notable characteristic of membership in all the clubs was its long
duration. Well over half the women identified were members of one or more
clubs for three years or longer and many were active over the entire period
studied. Although it is impossible to ascertain the exact number of women
involved in these clubs during the years 1910-1928, those identified represent
a significant proportion, probably over half. They also represent those
women who were most involved. Women who remained unidentified were
probably those who played a very minor role in clublife.

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Clubwomen were drawn together initially by two shared factors: their
gender and their desire to improve their position by extending their influence
in the public sphere. Many of them shared further characteristics but there
were also differences amongst them which are too significant to dismiss in an
attempt to_ describe only the norm. The study examined seven characteristics:
marital status, age, education, place of birth, ethnic origin, religion, and
soc:io-economic status as determined by occupation and place of residence.
While the majority of identified clubwomen were married, as previous
studies have emphasized, nevertheless, a large number of the women were
single. According to the 1921 Census of Canada, the proportions of married
and unmarried women in Vancouver were roughly equal; 46.5% of women
over the age of sixteen were married, 45% were single. 10 But 70.2% of
identified clubwomen were married and 26% were single. Married women,
then, although they were in the majority, did not have a monopoly on reform
and citizenship activities. Most single clubwomen were members of the UWC
which consistently had more single than married members. Many were
young, relatively recent graduates but a considerable number were older,
remained single and pursued both careers and reform over an extended
period. Like married clubwomen whose families had grown past the stage of
needing constant attention, these single women had some free time to devote
to clublife. Frequently, though not invariably, their concern for reform arose
out of their professional activities.
The age of clubmembers was impossible to determine with accuracy
except in the case of a few individuals. Of these, the youngest were in their mid
to late twenties in 1910. The remainder ranged in age from the mid-thirties to
nearly fifty. By the 1920s, the oldest members were quite elderly women.
Indirect clues, such as age of children, photographs and dates of significant
life events, such as marriage or graduation, indicated that the majority of
clubwomen were in the over-forty age group. The UWC, with the highest
proportions of single members, had the largest number of young members,
particularly after 1920 when new graduates of the University of British
Columbia joined. The small proportion of single members in clubs other than
the UWC appears to have been older and to have remained unmarried,
although some single members of the LCW may have been delegates from
affiliated clubs with younger members. The Graduate Nurses Association, for
instance, was almost always represented by single women. 11 The WBC, as
well, probably had a small number of younger women amongst its members.
For instance, the American Girls' Club, the Girls' Auxiliaries of the
Vancouver General Hospital and the Loyal Circle of King's Daughters were
shareholders while the UBC Girls' Auxiliary was active in fundraising for the
building.12
Previous studies have indicated that clubleaders were generally from the
more mature age group. In Vancouver, this also seems to have been the case,
although at the beginning of the 1910s, three of the leaders were in their
thirties. 13 Rank and file membership in Vancouver always included a number
of women in their early twenties but there is no evidence that they played
particularly active role in club life or that they remained members through
middle ' age. It is possible that they withdrew from club activities when

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they married and rejoined in later years, but there is no evidence of this.
Clubwomen on the whole were in their forties or older, though a number were
young and single; young matrons with growing families, however, rarely
appeared as clubmembers.
Educational achievement was . a significant factor for certain
clubwomen. All UWC members necessarily had a Bachelor or higher degree,
but such a level of achievement was unusual amongmembers of other clubs;
only sixteen out of 430 women identified as having a degree did not belong to
the UWC. Nevertheless, the 430 who did have degrees comprised thirty-eight
percent of identified club women. This was a high proportion, considering the
small number of women graduates in the general population even by the end
of the 1920s when female university attendance had increased. A smaller
number of women pursued occupations which required post-secondary
education. For instance, only sixty-six of the eighty-one members who were
teachers held degrees. The remainder had presumably attended teachers' 1
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college. Other occupations such as nursing, journalism, librarianship and
stenography clearly required a certain level of education though they did not
necessarily require formal certification. The majority of clubwomen,
however, shows no evidence of any education beyond elementary or possibly
secondary level.
Place of birth and ethnic origin of members were virtually impossible to
determine with any degree of accuracy. The newness of Vancouver and the
age of the majority of clubwomen meant that very few members prior to the
1920s would have been natives of the city. Most of the few women whose place
of birth was discovered came from eastern Canada. In the 1911 census,
seventy-five percent of men and eighty-two percent of women in the city were
classified as British racial stock and of these, thirty-nine percent of men and
fifty-one percent of women had been born in Canada. 14
In keeping with the origins of the city's population, the names of
clubmembers were predominantly British. In the case of married women, this
represented the probable origins of the husband rather than the wife, but it
seems likely that the origin was generally shared. Some non-Britis~ names
were found amongst members, but were probably at least second generation
Canadians or Americans. Altogether, it seems probable that the majority of
clubwomen came from eastern Canada, Britain or the United States with an
increasing number oflocally born women among the younger members by the
1920s.' 5
Religion was not a factor that directly affected membership in the clubs
studied, but it was an observable and important factor in relation to the
general reform movement of the period. Richard Allen has pointed out the
importance of the social gospel movement, both in the years of its ascent,
1890-1914, and during the period of its greatest influence, 1914-1928. 16 Just
how great an effect the social gospel had on clubwomen in Vancouver is
impossible to determine because there was no direct link between the two
movements. However, the existence of the social gospel movement may have
encouraged a woman with strong religious conviction to take part in reform
activities. This is suggested by the fact that sixty percent of women whose
religious affiliation was identified were either Methodist or Presbyterian, the

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two denominations most closely involved with the social gospel. Only a
handful of Anglican women, on the other hand, were identified. 17 The
activitjes of the churches at this time served to enhance the climate of
social reform within which women's clubs operated and no doubt some
women were strongly influenced by their own personal religious convictions,
but there is no evidence that these women's clubs were major vehicles through
which the churches worked.
The socio-economic .status of 508 of the 1041 married clubwomen was
ascertained by the occupations of their husbands. Status was assigned on a
five-point scale from one (high) to five (low). 18 Category One included the
major professions, senior business and commercial occupations: the very top
stratum of society. 19 Medicine, law and the church were well represented with
a considerable number of accountants, high-ranking company officers, largescale _merchants or company owners and university professors. Twenty-five
percent ofthe husbands fell into this category. Category Two cc;msisted of the
minor professions, middle and low-level business occupations, including
ownership of small businesses, white-collar occupations and one or two
highly skilled, non-professional occupations. Just over half (fifty-six percent)
of husbands fell into this category which represented the middle to
upper- middle-class section of society. Category Three included the skilled
trades in a variety of areas. The social position of this fifteen percent probably
ranged from lower-middle-class to prosperous working-class. Category Four
consisted of semi-skilled occupations and contained only four percent of
husbands. They were clearly working class. The lowest category, Five, which
contained unskilled, seasonal or transient workers, was not represented at all.
A total of 190, or twelve percent of clubwomen, were identified as
working at paid jobs between 1910 and 1928. The majority of these were single
women, but approximately one quarter were married. Many married club
members took on major responsibilities on· an unpaid or nominally-paid
basis, for instance on public boards, or, as in the case of Helen MacGill and
Laura Jamieson, on the -bench of the Juvenile Court. Others worked
sporadically, for instance as journalists, but while they may have earned some
money, because they did not consider themselves working women they are
not included among the 190.
Women were rated on the same occupational status scale as men, but
were placed one category iower to allow for their lower status both as women
and as workers. No women were, therefore, eligible for Category One and
none appeared in Category Five. The highest category (in this case Category
Two) which included medicine and law, university teachers and the highest
ranks of business, accounted for seventeen percent of the women. The middle
category (Category Three) included the majority of women (eighty percent).
They worked as teachers, nurses, journalists and in a variety of skilled clerical
and office jobs in the middle to lower-middle-class range. Only a small
number (less than three percent) worked at jobs in Category Four which
included domestic service, factory jobs and semi-skilled office and retail
occupations.
The fact that twelve percent of clubwomen were employed is significant.
Tfie total female labour force, according to the 1921 census, was

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approximately fifteen percent of the female population over the age of ten
years and was composed predominantly of working-class women in unskilled
or semi-skilled occupations. 20 The twelve percent of employed and largely
middle-class clubwomen is therefore a higher proportion than that of
working women of the same class in the general population. In other words,
while paid employment for women of higher than working-class status was
still not common, amongst clubwornen it was more common than in the
general population.
The occupations of working Vancouver clubwomen and/ or their
husbands indicate that the majority of these women were of middle-class
status, a category which includes the whole spectrum from those who·were
just below the elite level to those who were just above working class. A small
proportion who came from a higher level can be classed as members of the
social elite. However, almost as large a proportion of members were from the
upper levels of the working class. The mix of classes is confirmed by an
examination of the place of residence of individual membersJ
From the late 188Os until the end of the first decade of the new century,
Vancouver's West End, which lay between Stanley Park and the industrial
and commercial activity of the central business district, was the chief
residential area for the city's prosperous upper-middle and elite classes.2 1 By
1910, however, members of the business and professional class began to
relocate into areas such as Point Grey, Kerrisdale and fashionable
Shaughnessy Heights, opened in that year by the Canadian Pacific Railway
Company on one of its many land grants. At the same time, middle-class
families and some of the more prosperous of the working class began to move
from their original homes in Yaletown and Strathcona to Fairview, Mount
Pleasant, Grandview and South Vancouver.
The districts of the West End, Kitsilano, Po1nt Grey, Kerrisdale and
Shaughnessy, which Edward Gibson has characterized as solidly high status
at this time, 22 were home to over two..:thirds of identified clubwomen, the
majority of whom resided in the West End. The areas that he considered to be
predominantly working class, Mount Pleasant, Grandview, Hastings,
Strathcona, Little Mountain, Cedar Cottage, Riley and Renfrew housed a
further one-fifth of members. However, no area, with. the exception of
prestigious Shaughnessy Heights, was the exclusive domain of a single social
group.2 3 The working-class areas contained small numbers of middle-class
and even the occasional upper-class family. Likewise, small numbers of
working-class club women could be found in supposedly high-status areas like
the West End, Kitsilano and Point Grey.
Place of residence of clubmembers is not an absolute guide to social
status nor is the occupations of clubwomen and/ or their husbands. However,
both factors indicate the same general trends in relation to class and club
membership, namely that aiong with the large body of middle-class members
and a smaller number of women from the highest level of society, there was a
small, but significant, number of working-class clubwomen. Previous studies
have identified occasional clubwomen from working-class backgrounds, but
those studies have failed to indicate that membership from this level of society
has consistently involved numbers which, though Slllall, are too large to
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dismiss as unimportant.
An examination of participation by women at the executive and
committee levels of the Vancouver clubs further indicated that the small body
of working-class women played an active role. 24 In terms of total numbers,
clubwomen whose occupations or whose husbands' occupations placed
them in Categories One or Two formed the majority of club officers and
committee members. But working-class women were also represented at this
level of club life. While the total number of working-class clubwomen was
small, their rate of participation in executive positions and on committees was
as great as that of higher-status women. Thus, lower-class status was not, in
principle, a barrier to full involvement in club life.
The picture that remains of the "typical" clubwoman even after a closer
examination is not far removed from that mentioned at the beginning of the
paper. A "typical" woman in Vancouver clublife was indeed married, of
British background, probably middle-aged and certainly of middle-class
status as defined by her own or her husband's occupation .and place of
residence. He was most likely a professional man or in the middle to upper
levels of business or commerce and they were most likely to live in the West
End, Kitsilano or Fairview.
However, while a closer examination confirmed this view of the average
clubwoman, it also illuminated the fact that significant numbers of deviations
from this norm were also important. For all their similarities, clubwomen
were clearly not an homogeneous group.
Among the significant differences were, first, a sizeable minority of single
women, many of whom worked for a living. Often their jobs were
professional, but even those jobs of lower status generally required skill and
training. Both the proportion who were employed and the status oftheirjobs
were considerably higher than those figures for the general female
population. Second, not all clubwomen were middle-aged. Amongst UWC
members in particular, there was a large proportion_ of women in their
twenties and thirties. This does not appear to have been so common in the
other clubs, although some younger women were members of the LCWand
WBC. Third, although Presbyterian and Methodist women were in the
majority, clubwomen came from a wide variety of religious denominations.
Personal religious convictions may have directly influenced some women, but
it was not a significant factor in determining their involvement except in a
most general sense. Fourth, there was a wide range of educational
backgrounds from the highest academic accomplishments to levels that may
not have included attendance at high school. Finally, and perhaps most
important of all, not all clubwomen were middle-class. Although middle-class
women, together with a smaller number from the very highest stratum of the
city's society, formed the vast bulk of clubmembers, it is clear that the lower
middle-class as well as the upper levels of the working:class were represented.
Moreover, the membership of these working-class women was not purely
nominal; some of them played an active role on the executive and/or
cominittees of their clubs.
Insofar as this is_ a case study, only a handful of women's clubs in a
.single city over a ·relatively short period of time are included. However, its
value lies in the collected specific data which can be compared with

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generalizations that have been made previously regarding the nature and
activities of women's clubs and their members. The results of such a
comparison do not refute existing interpretations of the early twentieth
century women's movement. Indeed, they confirm the fact that the movement
in British Columbia followed lines of development similar to maternal
feminist organizations in the rest of English-speaking Canada. However, the
study does indicate that generalizations about the kinds of women involved in
the movement may obscure import§l.nt factors that deserve consideration. The
involvement of significant numbers of lower-middle and working-class
women 1n Vancouver clubs may, or may not, have been unique to the city.
Vancouver•s newness may have meant that barriers between classes were
more fluid than in the older established cities of the east. Lack of a large
industrial sector offering a multitude of poorly paid, semi-skilled jobs for
women may have helped create a different social climate. Although some
studies have painted an outline of the historical reality of women's lives in
Canada it remains for case studies to identify and explain the details so that
local and regional differences can be part of the big picture.

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Footnotes
I. Written by "Jennie Columbia," possibly Mrs. Jennie Smith, Women's Special
Issue, Vancouver Sun, March 19, 1913: 3.
2. Terence Morrison, "Their Proper Sphere: Feminism, the Family aI).d ChildCentred Social Reform in Ontario-,· 1875-1900," Ontario History 68:1 (March,
1976): 51. _
, 3. For instance, Veronica Strong-Boag, The Parliament of Women: The National
Council of Women of Canada· 1893-1929 (Ottawa: National Museums of Canada,
1976): Ch. 4; Carol Bacchi, Liberation Deferred? The Ideas of the English-Canadian
Suffragists, 1877-1918 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1983): 13; Wendy
Mitchinson, "The WCTU: 'For God, Home and Native Land:' A Study in Nineteenth- Century Feminism," in Linda Kealey ed., A Not Unreasonable Claim: Women and
Reform in Canada 1880s-1920s (Toronto: Women's Press, 1979): 152, 155; Catherine
Cleverdon, The Woman Suffrage Movement in Canada (Toronto: University of
Toronto Press, 1955) reprint ed., with Introduction by Ramsay Cook, 1974: 4; Diane
Crossley, "The B. C. Liberal Party and Women's Reforms 1916-28" in -Barbara Latham
and Cathy Kess, eds., In Her Own Right: Selected Essays on Women's History in B. C.
(Victoria: Camosun College, 1980): 230; Neil Sutherland, Children in English
Canadian-Society: Framing the Twentieth Century Consensus (Toronto: University
of Toronto Press, 1976): 14; Carol Dennison, "The Women's Institutes of British
Columbia 1909-1946: Housewives 'For Home and Country'" M.A. thesjs, University
of Victoria, 1983): 65, notes that the social status of leaders and that of rank and file
members may not be identical.
4. Bacchi, Liberation Deferred: 4.
5. Women's Edition, Vancouver Sun, March 19, 1913: 6.
6. For a detailed discussion of all the clubs, see Gillian Weiss," 'As Women and as
Citizens:' Clubwomen in Vancouver, 1910-1928" (Ph.D. thesis, University of British
Columbia, 1984): Ch. 2.
7. Vancouver University Women's Club. Papers 1907-28. Boxes 1-2. Vancouver
University Women's Club Archives.
8. Vancouver Local Council of Women. Papers 1900-30. Boxes 2-9. Special
Collections Division. The Library, University of British Columbia.
9. British Columbia. Registrar of Companies. Vancouver Women's Building
Limited Reports filed annually with Registrar of Companies, Victoria.
10. Canada, Census of Canada 1921, vol. 2: 117, 222.
11. Provision for the examination and registration of nurses and the incorporation
of a graduate nurses' orga,nization were included in the Registered Nurses' Act 1918:
Ch. 65. However, a Graduate Nurses' Association had been in existence since at least
1912 when it affiliated with the LCW. The LCW was involved in lobbying for
recognition of standard qualifications and from 1916-20 had a sta_}!ding committee on
Nursing: see also Judi Co bum," 'I See and Am Silent:' A Short History of Nursing," in
Janice Acton, Penny Goldsmith and Bonnie Shepard, Women at Work in Ontario
1850-1920 '(Toronto: Canadian Women's Educational Press, 1974): 151-155.
12. For a list of corporate shareholders see Gillian Weiss, ..As Wome:n and as
Citizens:" 99.
13. Ibid.: 250.
14. Canada, Census of Canada 1911, vol. 2: 426-427.
15. Veronica Sttong-Boag, Parliament of Women: 167-168; Carol Dennison, "The
Women's Institutes in B.C.:" 61-62.
16. · Richard Allen, The Social Passion: Religion and Social Reform in Canada 1914JQ28 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1973).
17. Sheila Mosher, "Social Gospel in British Columbia: Social Reforms as a

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Dimension of Religion, 1900-1920" (M.A. thesis, UBC, 1974): l; Carol Bacchi,
Liberation Deferred?, also found most suffragists were Presbyterian, Methodist or
Anglican.
18. The scale was based on that used by Michael Katz in The People of Hamilton,
Canada West: Family and Class in a Mid-Nineteenth Century City (Harvard
University Press, 1975). For farther discussion, see Weiss, "As Women and as
Citizens," Appendix C.
19. Robert MacDonald, "Business Leaders in Early Vancouver 1886-1914" (PhD.
thesis, UBC, 1977) and Angus Robertson, "The Pursuit of Power, Profit and Privacy:
A Study of Vancouver's West End Elite" (M.A. thesis, UBC, 1977). Both exam1ne
selected groups of the city's social elite. Very few husbands of clubwomen are included
in the studies but they occupied a similar, if marginally lower, social position. Most of
the husbands in category t were mentioned in the Vancouver Social Register and Club
Directory (Vancouver: Welch and Gibbs Publishers, 1914).
20. Canada, Census of Canada 1921, vol. 4: XIV.
21. MacDonald, "Business Leaders:" 259-266; Robertsoti;The Pursuit of Power:" 212; see also Edward Gibson, "The Impact of Social Belief on Landscape Change: A
Geographical Study of Vancouver" (Ph.D. thesis, UBC, 1971): Ch. 3; Alan Morley,
From Milltown to Metropolis: 119-120, 127-128; Patricia Roy, Vancouver: An
Illustrated History (Toronto: James Lorimer and Co. and National Museums of
Canada, 1980): Ch. 2.
22. Gibson, Ibid.
23. Weiss.
24. For detailed discussion of the leadership of Vancouver clubs, see Weiss, "As
Women and Citizens:" 267-274.